2006-01-17

Dying in Oregon

Physician assisted suicide is still legal in OR .  Not Dr. Jack style, but where the doctor prescribes a life ending amount of drugs to a patient who is near death.  While I agree with the decision, I strongly question the hypocrisy of the justices, except for Clarence Thomas, who questioned it himself.  Here is a link to the full decision. 
 
It is worth reading Justice Thomas's dissent (very short, starting on page 59).  He rightfully claims that while the Court said in the Raich decision that marijuana grown and consumed in California was interstate commerce, the Court now says that prescription drugs that are used to end ones life are not.  It seems he feels that the Controlled Substances Act (CSA) should apply in neither case, but he doesn't understand why the majority applies it in one and not the other. 
 
Justice Thomas's dissent is worth republishing in full (if reading court decisions isn't your thing, just read the parts I set in bold):
 
"JUSTICE THOMAS, dissenting.

When Angel Raich and Diane Monson challenged the application of the Controlled Substances Act (CSA), 21 U. S. C. §801 et seq., to their purely intrastate possession of marijuana for medical use as authorized under California law, a majority of this Court (a mere seven months ago) determined that the CSA effectively invalidated California's law because "the CSA is a comprehensiveregulatory regime specifically designed to regulate which controlled substances can be utilized for medicinal purposes, and in what manner." Gonzales v. Raich, 545 U. S. ___, ___ (2005) (slip op., at 24) (emphasis added). The majority employed unambiguous language, concluding that the "manner" in which controlled substances can be utilized "for medicinal purposes" is one of the "core activities regulated by the CSA." Id., at ___ (slip op., at 25). And, it described the CSA as "creating a comprehensive framework for regulating the production, distribution, and possession of . . . 'controlled substances,' " including those substances that "'have a useful and legitimate medical purpose,' " in order to "foster the beneficial use of those medications" and "to prevent their misuse." Id., at ___ (slip op., at 21).

Today the majority beats a hasty retreat from these conclusions. Confronted with a regulation that broadly requires all prescriptions to be issued for a "legitimate medical purpose," 21 CFR §1306.04(a) (2005), a regulation recognized in Raich as part of the Federal Government's"closed . . . system" for regulating the "manner" in "which controlled substances can be utilized for medicinal purposes," 545 U. S., at ___, ___ (slip op., at 10, 24), the majority rejects the Attorney General's admittedly "at least reasonable," ante, at 26, determination that administering controlled substances to facilitate a patient's death is not a " 'legitimate medical purpose.' " The majority does sobased on its conclusion that the CSA is only concerned with the regulation of "medical practice insofar as it bars doctors from using their prescription-writing powers as a means to engage in illicit drug dealing and trafficking as conventionally understood." Ante, at 23. In other words, in stark contrast to Raich's broad conclusions about the scope of the CSA as it pertains to the medicinal use of controlled substances, today this Court concludes that the CSA is merely concerned with fighting " 'drug abuse' " and only insofar as that abuse leads to "addiction or abnormal effects on the nervous system." 1 Ante, at 26.

The majority's newfound understanding of the CSA as astatute of limited reach is all the more puzzling because it rests upon constitutional principles that the majority ofthe Court rejected in Raich. Notwithstanding the States' " 'traditional police powers to define the criminal law and to protect the health, safety, and welfare of their citizens,' " 545 U. S., at ___, n. 38 (slip op., at 27, n. 38), the Raich majority concluded that the CSA applied to the intrastate possession of marijuana for medicinal purposes authorized by California law because "Congress could have rationally"concluded that such an application was necessary to the regulation of the "larger interstate marijuana market." Id., at ___, ___ (slip op., at 28, 30). Here, by contrast, themajority's restrictive interpretation of the CSA is based in no small part on "the structure and limitations of federalism, which allow the States ' "great latitude under their police powers to legislate as to the protection of the lives, limbs, health, comfort, and quiet of all persons." ' " Ante, at 23 (quoting Medtronic, Inc. v. Lohr, 518 U. S. 470, 475 (1996), in turn quoting Metropolitan Life Ins. Co. v. Massachusetts, 471 U. S. 724, 756 (1985)). According to themajority, these "background principles of our federal system . . . belie the notion that Congress would use . . . an obscure grant of authority to regulate areas traditionally supervised by the States' police power." Ante, at 28.

Of course there is nothing "obscure" about the CSA's grant of authority to the Attorney General. Ante, p. ___ (SCALIA, J., dissenting). And, the Attorney General's conclusion that the CSA prohibits the States from authorizing physician assisted suicide is admittedly "at least reasonable," ante, at 26 (opinion of the Court), and is therefore entitled to deference. Ante, at 6–7 (SCALIA, J., dissenting). While the scope of the CSA and the Attorney General's power thereunder are sweeping, and perhaps troubling, such expansive federal legislation and broad grants of authority to administrative agencies are merelythe inevitable and inexorable consequence of this Court's Commerce Clause and separation-of-powers jurisprudence. See, e.g., Raich, supra; Whitman v. American Trucking Assns., Inc., 531 U. S. 457 (2001).

I agree with limiting the applications of the CSA in a manner consistent with the principles of federalism and our constitutional structure. Raich, supra, at ___ (THOMAS, J., dissenting); cf. Whitman, supra, at 486–487 (THOMAS, J., concurring) (noting constitutional concerns with broad delegations of authority to administrative agencies). But that is now water over the dam. The relevance of such considerations was at its zenith in Raich, when we considered whether the CSA could be applied to the intrastate possession of a controlled substance consistent with the limited federal powers enumerated by the Constitution. Such considerations have little, if any, relevance where, as here, we are merely presented with a question of statutory interpretation, and not the extent of constitutionally permissible federal power. This is particularly true where, as here, we are interpreting broad, straightforward language within a statutory framework that a majority of this Court has concluded is so comprehensive that it necessarily nullifies the States' " 'traditional . . . powers . . . to protect the health, safety, and welfare of their citizens.' " 2 Raich, supra, at ___, n. 38 (slip op., at 27, n. 38). The Court's reliance upon the constitutional principles that it rejected in Raich—albeit under the guise of statutory interpretation—is perplexing to say the least. Accordingly, I respectfully dissent. "

 
Why can't all justices be so forthright about their opinions, and so true to the Constitution?

"You can't have New Orleans no other way"

If you read my previous post, I said that a lot of black leaders create a notion through their constituents heads that race actually matters. This is one of the chief causes of racism. Yesterday, Ray Nagin, the failed mayor of New Orleans said he wants to rebuild a "chocolate New Orleans." Now, what if the city of Des Moines got destroyed by a huge tornado and then the mayor said he wanted to rebuild a "vanilla" city. Or San Francisco finally got pummeled by an earthquake and the mayor said he wanted to rebuild a "queer city." We should condemn all of these types of statements. Shame on you Ray Nagin!

2006-01-16

MLK Day

Martin Luther King, Jr. wished for equality of the races, and for his people to have a chance to succeed in what was certainly a white man's world-the USA in the 1960s. He advocated a non-violent approach to solving racial issues, unlike some of his contemporaries. While his people are no longer treated as second class citizens, there are still elements that divide races in America. There is racism on both sides, with some people wishing for a return to the 60s and others wishing for the former oppressive race to be repressed. Both of these streams of thought go against what MLK envisioned and what he hoped for. His dream has been tarnished by his successors, namely Jesse Jackson, who invoke race and racism to the point where an inequality is created where it does not exist. Jesse Jackson inspires black people to hate white people for crimes past, and inspires white people to hate anyone who appears to be an activist black, because all they see are people like JJ.

Affirmative action, also known as positive discrimination, further divides the races and is bad for all people. The problem if you are white is that less qualified people can be placed higher merely because of race. For blacks, you can never know if a black person attained a high position because he or she is well qualified or because they were bumped up due to AA. Statistics show that socioeconomic status and the education level of your parents determines where you end up in life much more than the color of your skin. It is true, black people tend to be more poor and less educated, but a white person in the same situation leads to almost identical results.

How can you keep MLK's dreams alive? Treat all people with respect, regardless of who they are and where they came from. Fight against racist practices, such as AA. A good way for you college types to do this is to stage an Affirmative Action Bake Sale. Click on the link and see what you think of it.

Martin Luther King Jr. was an honest man, a flawed man, but a man that helped bring an end to the institution of racism in America. His work has created opportunities for millions of people, whether or not they choose to pursue them.